نأمل أن يتم هذا الحوار الوطني الشامل بين كل فئات المجتمع. بهدف معالجة ً ا بين النخب بعض االختالفات الجوهرية لدينا ، فهو ليس حوار ً ا حصري السياسية فحسب ، ولكنه أيض ً ا حوار يتم على مستوى القاعدة الشعبية ايضا. من الواضح أن هناك العديد من المظالم الكامنة في مجتمعنا والتي إذا تركت دون معالجة ستستمر في توليد العنف. وتتطلب االنقسامات األخيرة طويلة األمد اضافة الى االنقسامات المجتمعية والسياسية والثقافية واالقتصادية من إثيوبيا الحوار وبناء تقارب في اآلراء على كل هذه المستويات. ويظل هذا هو هدفنا األساسي حتى نتمكن أخير ً ا من إنهاء سوء الفهم المستمر منذ عدة قرون والذي أدخل مجتمعنا في دائرة من الصراع أعاق تقدمه. نأمل أن يخلق هذا الحوار الوطني بيئة مواتية لبناء سالم دائم على أساس التفاهم المتبادل. أود أيض ً ا أن أذكر أن أولئك الذين وصفهم البرلمان بأنهم إرهابيون لن يشاركوا في هذه العملية نظر ً ا لقضيتهم التي تتعارض وال تتماشى مع هدف الحوار الشامل

نأمل أن يتم هذا الحوار الوطني الشامل بين كل فئات
المجتمع. بهدف معالجة بعض االختالفات الجوهرية
ًا بين النخب السياسية
لدينا ، فهو ليس حوارًا حصري
فحسب ، ولكنه أيضًا حوار يتم على مستوى القاعدة
الشعبية ايضا

على الرغم من أن الحكومة خصصت أمواال لجهود اإلغاثة المبذولة إال أن االستفزاز المتجدد من جانب الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تيغري يستمر في التأثير على المدنيين األبرياء وتعطيل سبل عيشهم. وهذه الجماعة المعادية تواصل إعاقة إيصال اإلغاثة ليس فقط إلى إقليم تيغراي ولكن أيض ً ا إلى المناطق المتضررة من النزاع في اقلمي عفار وأمهرة. باإلضافة إلى منع وصول األموال والموارد المخصصة لهذه المناطق ، نحن نبذل قصارى جهدنا إليصال المساعدات دون عوائق. هذه أولوية للحكومة اإلثيوبية وهذا .مايرده المجتمع الدولي ايضا
بصفتنا إثيوبيين ، نعتقد أنه ينبغي علينا مساعدة الناس ، ونحن مهتمون في المقام األول برفاهيتهم وأمنهم. ولسوء الحظ ، كانت الجبهة تعرقل وتوقف أمام جهودنا. وإيصال المساعدة مرهون اوال بالوصول إلى المناطق المتضررة من النزاع. نحن بحاجة إلى النظر الى جميع الحقائق ويجب أن ندعو األشياء بأسمائها الحقيقية.هذا ما يحدث حاليا، ال يكفي االعتراف بهذه .الحقيقة على نطاق واسع فحسب ، بل يجب إدانتها بشدة
نحن نعمل بالفعل مع شركاء دوليين ، مثل برنامج األغذية العالمي، وبما ان أقلمي أمهرة وعفار هما األكثر تضررا من عدوان الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تغراي ، فإننا ندعو شركائنا والجهات المعنية إلى التركيز بشكل أكبر إلغاثة هذه المناطق. ومن المتوقع حدوث بعض الفجوات في إيصال المساعدة وتسليمها ، وال تزال هناك فجوة واضحة بين الحاجة الملحة على األرض والجهود المبذولة حاليا في تلبيتها

It was an unlikely development when Sudan and Ethiopia, within the same period in 2018, observed positive political changes sparked by popular protests which led incumbents to abandon power after decades. This much sought after change that demanded democratization, was emphatically supported by the west as it was antithetical to former regional characterizations of unrest, human rights violations, and crimes against humanity, including genocide regarding Sudan.

Though the three-year storm in Ethiopia dissipated with the premiership of Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Sudan was yet to achieve lasting peace after the resignation of one of the continent’s longest-serving presidents – Omar Hassan Al Bashir. Hence, the then-popular 42-year-old Prime Minister of Ethiopia hailed for his peace initiatives with Eritrea, stepped in. Amidst managing internal problems and despite the Eritrean peace deal being unripe and marred with questions, Abiy facilitated the signing of an agreement between the Sudanese military and civilian wings of the popular protests.

Moreover, during a speech supported by chants, Abiy stated the Sudanese must be, “Custodians of peace and the guardians of dignity as they work toward building a democracy.” Congratulating the Transitional Military Council (TMC) and the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) for their success and underlining that dialogue is the only way for a win-win solution, Abiy stressed, “In your commitment for dialogue and openness for engagement, you have all demonstrated that our historic African tradition of coming together for problem-solving will always be the beacon lighting our way to our greater potential for harmony.”

The agreement gave the FFC 67 percent of the 300-seated legislative council with the mandate of appointing the Prime Minister. The TMC became the supreme commander of the Sudanese Armed Forces with duties to chair the Sovereign Council and appoint interior and defense ministers. However, this optimism was short-lived due to the power struggle between the military and civilian wings of the transitional government headed by Abdallah Hamdok until his resignation in January 2022.

According to conversations between experts and Prime Minister Hamdok, the central problem to the Sudanese political quagmire is the power struggle between the military and civilian wings of the transitional government. The military wing, led by General Abdul Fattah Al-Burhan, did not want to relinquish power obtained from the resignation of Bashir. “The military wing has appeared to be resistant to change. They don’t want civilian oversight because they want to maintain their control over state assets,” expressed an international relations expert.

In addition, interference from foreign actors is implicated in complicating the developments in Sudan. Cognizant of this, the Ethiopian government repeatedly encouraged the Sudanese people to resolve their internal affairs by themselves. Following the military coup that ousted Prime Minister Hamdok, the Office of the Prime Minister of Ethiopia states;

At a time when our optimism and our firm confidence in the existence of a way out of the current crisis; we also see the danger of slipping into the abyss of differences and the spiral of political polarization.We trust with every confidence that Sudanese experience and wisdom will prevail in completing the entitlements of the constitution document and the Juba Agreement for Sudanese Peace, to achieve the aspirations of the Sudanese people,” adding that, “we also warn against the interference of the forces of evil, which are trying to impose their hegemony on our region and undermine the independence of our fateful decisions.

However, the military did not refrain fromputting Prime Minister Hamdok on house arrest and others behind bars. General Burhan took power and declared a state of emergency leading to mass protests across the nation. This reverted the Sudanese political transition to square one, with the added criticism from the US in the form of the suspension of 700 million USD of emergency assistance and economic support funds. Later, in January of 2022, Prime Minister Hamdok resigned claiming the country to be at a “dangerous turning point that threatens its survival,” and it is “sliding towards disaster.”

… the central problem to the Sudanese political quagmire is the power struggle between the military and civilian wings of the transitional government.

The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) reported that “There are red lines of a different sort in the Horn of Africa, indicating that the developments in Sudan are attracting various interest groups such as the Gulf countries, Russia, and Turkey who have political and economic interests in the Horn region.

Furthermore, ACLED’s analysis underlines that both Sudan and Ethiopia are at a crossroads of internal strife, but have intertwined interests that need to support each other. In this sense, destabilization in one of the Horn nations extends out and involves various actors complicating matters further. Thus, ACLED reports;

This nexus of reciprocal support [between Ethiopia and Sudan] has been expanded and reinforced partly by the strengthening of multilateral organizations (including the African Union and, to a lesser extent, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in the Horn-IGAD) … and have increasingly understood that their survival is usually best served by strengthening ties and limiting cross border sabotage and subversion.

In an analysis forwarded by the Institute of Security Studies (ISS), Shewit Woldemichael argues that in addition to the “Deep-seated political and identity-based polarization that prevents Sudan from resolving fundamental issues of citizenship and statehood … the exclusion of political parties and two major armed groups will make achieving sustainable peace difficult.”

Shewit concludes that despite progress madeduring Sudan’s one-year transition, significant challenges remain including the imbalance of power between military and civilian actors, the disregard for provisions in the Constitutional Document which set terms for the transitional period, the dispute within the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC), and the eroded powers of the Sovereign Council. For the resolution of the crisis in Sudan, she advises external forces to refrain from exacerbating the preexisting divisions, but rather to contribute to the success of the transition in a positive manner. Shewit further expresses that regional and continental bodies provide political and technical support and that Sudan’s security apparatus works to restore the public’s trust.

… the developments in Sudan are attracting various interest groups such as the Gulf countries, Russia, and Turkey who have political and economic interests in the Horn region.

Nevertheless, not all sides admit to their shortcomings. The military blames the civilian government for all failures to ensure a transition within the 21-month time frame per the constitution. The civilian government, on the other hand, recognizes the shortcomings of both sides and hopes for settlement through negotiation. Cameron Hudson’spiece in the Atlantic Council notes, “Sudan’s transitional charter and the effectively forced marriage between civilian and military leaders it created was an artful way to address the winner-take all system that has long defined Sudan’s political existence. But in the current impasse, both sides feel like they are losing.”

As Sudan’s path to a democratic transition remains unclear, experts observe this lengthy and turbulent period, coupled with the crises in Northern Ethiopia, might embolden foreign actors to meddle further compromising regional stability. Given that the African Union does not have the mandate to interfere in political resolution on the part of state actors, it temporarily suspended Sudan from membership; reiterating its calls for all stakeholders to responsibly act in the transition.

Concerned with the ever-growing political crisis on the continent, Musa Faki Mahamat, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, said at the 35th African Union Summit in Addis Ababa, that the Commission should not continue in a manner that it is considered as a simple secretary for member states.

As Sudan’s path to a democratic transition remains unclear, experts observe this lengthy and turbulent period, coupled with the crises in Northern Ethiopia, might embolden foreign actors to meddle further compromising regional stability.

Dr. Yacob Arsano currently serves as an Associate Professor at Addis Ababa University’s School of Political Science and International Relations (AAU- PSIR). Dr. Yacob’s research focus on hydropolitics, coupled with his adamant advocacy for equitable water use in the Nile Basin, makes him a leading authority on  inter-state relations in the Eastern Nile Basin.

His expertise, particularly on the construction  of the GERD project and the consequent  negotiations with riparian states, has allowed  for a scientific framing of recently emerging  water disputes in the region.

I am elated; so much so that I took it upon myself  to be at the GERD site to celebrate this important  milestone. Ethiopia, despite heavy foreign resistance,  managed to complete two rounds of reservoir filling.  The launch of the project’s partial-power generation  is not only an achievement worthy of celebration  but also serves to encourage Ethiopians to persevere  on this path. Despite the many challenges Ethiopia  continues to face, both foreign and domestic, I am  proud and encouraged by the incremental progress  we have made toward the realization of this project.

Though this milestone is worth the celebrations, both  the citizenry and the government should continue  to do as they have always done. From what we have  been told from the GERD Secretariat, the dam is 84%  complete; this occasion should also encourage the  current government to optimally utilize the allocated  resources for the timely completion of the project.

The generators at the Guba facility, at the GERD site, already have transformers that can handle up to 500kVa of power. When complete, this facility alone  is sufficient to power the nation given that this power  can be funneled into the existing power grids in the  country. In the future, when the dam can generate  power at capacity, the existing partial infrastructure  can help facilitate commercial use with our neighbors  in the region. Though there is always more work to  be done, Ethiopia seems to show similar progress in  its infrastructure development efforts.

The support from citizens, as you know, has been all inclusive: from young to old, poor or rich, urban to  rural dwellers, all have contributed what they can to  see this project to completion. The Ethiopian people  have been donating, buying lottery and government  bonds, texting 8100, as well as participating in  fundraising activities. Now that we have started  partial power generation, I hope for a heightened  enthusiasm for completing the GERD.

Though this milestone is worth the celebrations, both  the citizenry and the government should continue to do as they have always done. From what we have been told from the GERD Secretariat, the dam is 84% complete; this occasion should also encourage the current government to optimally utilize the allocated resources for the timely completion of the project.

It is no secret that this project is a long-standing  dream for Ethiopians. Since its inception, the Dam was  intended to uplift our destitute society. Not only is the  dam being built within Ethiopian sovereign territory,  but it is also financed by the Ethiopian people. This  milestone, if anything, should serve to encourage  cooperation with our regional partners. The lone  strategy of demonizing the entire country to make a  political point hinders our prospects of cooperation  in the long run. While Egypt insists on remaining the sole decision-maker on their developmental pursuits  with Nile waters, i.e. within their borders, the double  standard in their demands of Ethiopia is made all the more evident. Media in all three nations can do more to promote an egalitarian viewpoint that encourages equitable use between all riparians. As the Nile is a transboundary river, media coverage should uphold standard expectations from all parties. To this end, media outlets need to promote honest and pragmatic conversations on this shared resource and put a stop to the mockery and single-sided arguments that do not promote a cooperative approach.

After the construction, grid preparations, and two  rounds of reservoir filling, there remains 16% until  the project’s full completion. With subsequent  construction, and as the dam gets higher, we are left  with two additional rounds of reservoir filling. Yes,  the first turbine has started to produce electricity,  however, our goal should be to see the same  incremental progress with all thirteen turbines.  The government must also plan for the necessary  infrastructure development to meet the population’s  demands, as well as profit commercially by selling to  regional neighbors. Lastly, Ethiopia should pursue  other hydroelectric dams to better meet the demands  of our growing population in its pursuit of self reliance.

إثيوبيا والسودان لديهما تاريخ مشترك طويل في التعاون المتبادل. وفي اآلونة األخيرة كلنا نذكر الدور المهم الذي قام به رئيس الوزراء األثيوبي في المصالحة بين النخب السياسية السودانية وإنشاء مجلس السيادة في السودان من خالل جهوده الحميدة. وبالمثل ، عندما واجه اإلثيوبيون صعوبات ، قوبلوا بترحيب حار من جيرانهم السودانيين. القيادة الحالية في السودان ، سواء كان ذلك بسبب عوامل خارجية أو ضغوطات األحزاب ، اختارت التعدي على األراضي السيادية اإلثيوبية. وتواصل إثيوبيا الضغط من أجل حل سريع لهذه القضية بالذات من خالل اآلليات اإلقليمية القائمة ، مثل الهيئة الحكومية الدولية المعنية بالتنمية. وفيما يتعلق بالعالقات بين الشعوب ، فإن شعوبنا لديها الكثير لتتعلمه وتستفيد منه من التعاون والعمل مع ً ا. هذا هو السبب في أن عالقتنا الحالية مع السودان تحت الحكم العسكري ال ترقى إلى .مستوى تاريخنا العريق و إمكاناتنا المستقبلية

نظر ً ا لكون أهدافنا مترابطة فمن الصعب تحديد هدف واحد للسياسة الخارجية كهدف خاص بها، لكن بشكل عام ، أود أن أقول إن هدفنا األساسي في عام 2022 هو إعادة عالقاتنا مع المجتمع الدولي. سواء كانت عالقاتنا الثنائية والمتعددة األطراف ومصالحنا في إقامة تحالفات طويلة األجل ومشاريع تنموية على أساس مستمر. نظر ً ا لالحتياجات المتنوعة للبالد ، ً لالنخراط الكامل مع الشركاء الدوليين دون تحيز أو أحكام ونخطط أيضا .مسبقة

وفي سياق الصراع الحالي ، ستواصل إثيوبيا تعريف المجتمع الدولي وشركائها على وجه الخصوص بالحقائق والتطورات الموجودة من جانب .الحكومة
وطبعا إعادة اإلعمار هي أولوية ال تقل أهمية بالنسبة للوزارة حيث نراها ركيزة في جهودنا إليصال السالم واالستقرار. ولهذه الغاية ، نطلب من حلفائنا وأصدقائنا دعم
جهودنا في إعادة البناء واإلصالح وإعادة الحياة الطبيعية التي تشتد الحاجة .إليها
تمت الترجمة بواسطة :- فهد العنسي

وفيما يتعلق بالمفاوضات التي يقودها االتحاد األفريقي ، تظل إثيوبيا ً ا بالمحادثات الثالثية مع السودان ومصر. وعلى حد علمي ، ملتزمة تمام ً ، بسبب نقل ً ا لسببين: أوال فإن المفاوضات التي كانت جارية متوقفة مؤقت رئاسة االتحاد األفريقي من فخامة الرئيس. فيليكس – أنطوان تشيسكيدي من جمهورية الكونغو الديمقراطية إلى الرئيس ماكي سال رئيس السنغال. ونأمل أن تحافظ محادثات سد النهضة برئاسة الرئيس الجديد على التقدم الجيد الذي .تم إحرازه في عهد الرئيس السابق
والسبب الثاني ، االضطرابات الحالية المؤسفة في السودان كان لها دور للتوقف المؤقت لمفاوضات سد النهضة. وتأمل إثيوبيا في ان يعود االستقرار وتعودة األمور إلى طبيعتها في المنطقة ، ونعتزم بالتأكيد االستمرار بمجرد استئناف المفاوضات حول المحادثات األخيرة ، والحظنا أن شركائنا المفاوضين لم يعودوا يدخلون ويخرجون من المفاوضات كما يحلو لهم ،

Since the deposition of Sudan’s long-serving ruler Omar al-Bashir in 2019, Sudan underwent significant political upheaval with lasting consequences. The popular uprising, which began in December of 2018, was sparked by cuts to bread and fuel subsidies, an emergency austerity measure to prevent economic collapse, which subsequently led to widespread protests centered in Khartoum. Following the escalation of nationwide protests, the Transitional Military Council (TMC), under the leadership of LtGen Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan, ousted President Bashir and assumed power.

Though the TMC showed interest in ensuring peace and security, the task proved daunting due to internal division, lack of popular recognition, and opposition from the Sudan Professional Association (SPA) – a collective of doctors, health workers, and lawyers. Following several violent protests, the military government transferred authority to a sovereign council composed of leading political figures for the joint administration of the country. On August 22nd, 2019, Abdalla Hamdok was appointed as head of the Sovereign Council under a power sharing agreement with the military.

However, protests against the blended administration, and a peace deal with the rebel group collective, Revolutionary Front (SRF), further exacerbated the strained political atmosphere. To settle continued cycles of unrest, the civilian branch introduced a new cabinet that included some rebel group representatives; meanwhile, the military arm defended against four attempted coups and cracked down on protestors; revealing a stark division within the country’s leadership. Subsequently, irreconcilable differences led to a military coup with the removal of Prime Minister Hamdok and the arrest of several members of the civilian leadership.

Having led the coup on October 25th, 2021, Lt-Gen Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan, dissolved the sovereign council and declared a state of emergency. Once more, protestors took to the streets demanding the release of political prisoners and a swift transition to a democratic civilian rule. To pacify the growing unrest, the military reinstated Prime Minister Hamdok on November 21st only for him to resign 6 weeks later with the failing of a deal that called for a technocratic cabinet under military oversight. Hamdok said his efforts at bridging the cleavages between political factions proved fruitless and that, “[…] despite all that was done to bring about the desired and necessary agreement to fulfill our promise to the citizen of security, peace, justice and an end to the bloodshed, this does not happen”. He alluded to Sudan’s tumultuous future stating, “[…] now our nation is going through a dangerous turning point that could threaten its survival unless it is urgently rectified.

In addition to its internal political turmoil, Sudan has also wedged itself in a border standoff with Ethiopia. The initial attempt to demarcate the border was through a treaty signed in 1902 between British-ruled Sudan and Ethiopia. Since then, several negotiations have been partially successful, except for the contested al-Fashaga territory, using existing regional mechanisms– namely the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD). Currently, Sudan’s military leadership has deployed soldiers at the al-Fashiga border, using the issue as a tool to increase its declining popular support. Ethiopia, noting the militarization as a significant break
from regional norms, called upon regional

Reiterating the government’s unwavering support for the Sudanese people, Ethiopian leaders assert that their measured response has staved off armed conflict between the two nations.

 and international entities to condemn Sudan’s actions and bring a peaceful resolution to the disagreement.

Moreover, because of the deviation from the historical fraternity, Sudan’s conduct registered as especially shrewd given it coincided with the conflict in Ethiopia’s northern region and was followed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s mediation efforts between Sudan’s military and civilian leaders. In response to this unusual move, the Ethiopian Foreign Ministry issued the following statement;

Ethiopia strongly believes that all the recent actions and vitriolic propaganda campaigns of the Government of Sudan against Ethiopia do not reflect the wishes and aspirations of the peace-loving people of Sudan. Ethiopia has been consistently calling the Government of Sudan to reverse its aggression and resolve the boundary issue per the bilateral agreements and joint boundary mechanisms to finalize the re demarcation process

Despite Sudan’s impulsive actions that defy existing regional organs, the Ethiopian government places the blame squarely on the nation’s leadership. Absolving the citizens of all blame, the Ethiopian leadership insists on foul play instigated by foreign actors. Reiterating the government’s unwavering support for the Sudanese people, Ethiopian leaders assert that their measured response has staved off armed conflict between the two nations.

Ethiopia and Sudan have long enjoyed historical and people-to-people relations since the kingdom of Axum and the Merowe civilizations. The age-old ties between these two countries evolved on a similar trajectory as they were faced with similar challenges and opportunities for transformation. As it relates to people-people relations, Sudan and Ethiopia not only share a border but also similar fates in the region. In addition to the large numbers of each country’s nationals living in the other, and given the Horn integration agenda that has emerged as a project among the region’s leaders, Sudan and Ethiopia must exhaust all peaceful avenues to their mounting differences.

Sudan’s indeterminate stance on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, in its attempts to align with Egypt in the course of the tripartite negotiations, has strained its relations with another regional ally. Though Sudan has shown teetering support for the project, the current military government has adopted a stance in stark contrast to the Declaration of Principles signed in 2015. The military rulers continue to disregard scientific evidence that affirms the project’s safety and its manifold benefits to the Sudanese people. Accordingly, the Irrigation and Water Resources Minister, Yasser Abbas, maintains that Sudan is directly, and adversely, affected by GERD; adding its intentions to involve the UN, EU, and the US in an attempt to pressure Ethiopia into halting the filling process. Similarly, the Sudanese Foreign Minister, Mariam Al-Sadig Al-Mahdi, lobbied against the Ethiopian government’s scheduled second filling in her state tour of various African and Asian countries. Despite Prime Minister Abiy’s assurance that Ethiopia, “Has no intention of causing harm [and that the project will] undoubtedly prevent severe flooding in neighboring Sudan,” Sudanese officials levy accusations of dam safety, as they seem to play the trojan-horse advancing a singularly Egyptian agenda.

Sudan finds itself at a critical juncture. The recent escalation of political and economic crises, if left unaddressed, could lead the nation to re entrenchment into deeper conflict. Although Prime Minister Hamdok resigned after months of political deadlock, the military, pressured by the people, still has the capacity to take steps towards democracy.

Sudan finds itself at a critical juncture. The recent escalation of political and economic crises, if left unaddressed, could lead the nation to re-entrenchment into deeper conflict.

A full system collapse is preventable only through political leadership that is consistent with the will of the people. This can be achieved primarily through an inclusive national dialogue among all political parties, citizens, and the military. A forum for national consensus building can eliminate distrust and suspicion amongst different stakeholders. In this regard, IGAD received confirmation from both political forces and the military council, of their desire for mediation. This is a decisive step in accelerating the national dialogue efforts and shows promise for lasting peace.

Secondly, the military council must redefine its mission and become a genuine facilitator for the necessary transition, rather than operate as a permanent regime. This requires the military government to comply with the agreement, resulting from the provisional constitution, that demands a transition to civilian government. Following suit, the security apparatus should be reformed to bring an end to violence against demonstrators, and intimidation of opposition parties. A judicial mechanism must also be established to address human rights matters and corruption.

…the Ethiopian and Sudanese leaderships must put people at the center of policymaking to ensure sustained peace and cooperative avenues that outlive political leadership.

Sudan’s transition to civilian rule, derailed by political deadlock and military coups, has been marred with complications. The power vacuum resulting from the removal of Omar al-Basher and the resignation of Abdalla Hamdok has allowed the military to be the sole arbiter of power despite continual protest from citizens.
As it relates to its regional relations, Sudan is at odds with its eastern neighbor Ethiopia, over the contested border of al-Fashaga and the GERD project, exasperating its mounting political crises. As the internal situation stands, persistent protests have cost numerous Sudanese lives, and an escalation of the border tension holds consequences for the people of both nations. To
decelerate the internal socio-political freefall, paths towards a civilian lead administration have been suggested. Additionally, the Ethiopian and Sudanese leaderships must put people at the center of policymaking to ensure sustained peace and cooperative avenues that outlive political leadership. As it relates to Ethiopia’s GERD project, it is vital that Ethiopia, Sudan, as well as Egypt, employ a scientific approach to arrive at a mutually-beneficial solution.

Dear readers,

Since the wave of independence from colonial powers in the late 1940s, conflict seems to characterize the relationship between most African States. The Horn region is no exception with persistent civil unrest in Sudan, identity based conflicts in Ethiopia, and political
fractures in Somalia, the Horn region is experiencing what is commonly referred to in the conflict management discipline as “the neighborhood effect.” Countries that are in conflict-affected regions are more likely to also experience conflict, as well as the socio economic and political conditions that arise as a result. This theory, though seemingly reductionist, helps policymakers identify patterns of conflict in regional blocks as well as formulate early warning measures based on forecasts. With intensifying civil unrest in Sudan and prolonged ethno-secessionist strife in Ethiopia– exacerbated by multiple pockets of violence, it is important to place these conflicts within the larger “neighborhood” context.

This month’s collection of articles highlights the inter-state dangers of the emerging conflicts in the Horn. This 4th edition delves deeper into regional antagonisms in the region among parties who find themselves in domestic turmoil, intending to give the readers an elaborate background of the ongoing turmoil in Sudan.

Despite the tense political situation in multiple Horn countries, this month also saw the partial power generation of Ethiopia’s Grand Renaissance Dam (GERD), an important milestone on yet another contested issue. I would like to Dr. Yacob Arsano, one of Ethiopia’s leading hydropolitics experts and an unapologetic advocate for equitable water rights in the Nile Basin, for taking the initiative to congratulate the public on this momentous occasion.

We are deeply grateful to Ambassador Dina Mufti, Spokesperson, and Director-General atthe Ethiopian Ministry of Federal Affairs, for taking the time to speak with Horn Review on Ethiopia’s regional and international standing amidst the nation’s tense political climate.

Bethlehem Mehari

السفير دينا :على الرغم من أن الحكومة خصصت أموالا لجهود الإغاثة المبذولة إلا أن الاستفزاز المتجدد من جانب الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تيغري يستمر في التأثير على المدنيين الأبرياء وتعطيل سبل عيشهم. وهذه الجماعة المعادية تواصل إعاقة إيصال الإغاثة ليس فقط إلى إقليم تيغراي ولكن أيضًا إلى المناطق المتضررة من النزاع في اقلمي عفار وأمهرة. بالإضافة إلى منع وصول الأموال والموارد المخصصة لهذه المناطق ، نحن نبذل قصارى جهدنا لإيصال المساعدات دون عوائق. هذه أولوية للحكومة الإثيوبية وهذا مايرده المجتمع الدولي ايضا.
بصفتنا إثيوبيين ، نعتقد أنه ينبغي علينا مساعدة الناس ، ونحن مهتمون في المقام الأول برفاهيتهم وأمنهم. ولسوء الحظ ، كانت الجبهة تعرقل وتوقف أمام جهودنا. وإيصال المساعدة مرهون اولا بالوصول إلى المناطق المتضررة من النزاع. نحن بحاجة إلى النظر الى جميع الحقائق ويجب أن ندعو الأشياء بأسمائها الحقيقية.هذا ما يحدث حاليا، لا يكفي الاعتراف بهذه الحقيقة على نطاق واسع فحسب ، بل يجب إدانتها بشدة.
نحن نعمل بالفعل مع شركاء دوليين ، مثل برنامج الأغذية العالمي، وبما ان أقلمي أمهرة وعفار هما الأكثر تضررا من عدوان الجبهة الشعبية لتحرير تغراي ، فإننا ندعو شركائنا والجهات المعنية إلى التركيز بشكل أكبر لإغاثة هذه المناطق. ومن المتوقع حدوث بعض الفجوات في إيصال المساعدة وتسليمها ، ولا تزال هناك فجوة واضحة بين الحاجة الملحة على الأرض والجهود المبذولة حاليا في تلبيتها

السفير دينا : نأمل أن يتم هذا الحوار الوطني الشامل بين كل فئات المجتمع. بهدف معالجة بعض الاختلافات الجوهرية لدينا ، فهو ليس حوارًا حصريًا بين النخب السياسية فحسب ، ولكنه أيضًا حوار يتم على مستوى القاعدة الشعبية ايضا. من الواضح أن هناك العديد من المظالم الكامنة في مجتمعنا والتي إذا تركت دون معالجة ستستمر في توليد العنف. وتتطلب الانقسامات الأخيرة طويلة الأمد اضافة الى الانقسامات المجتمعية والسياسية والثقافية والاقتصادية من إثيوبيا الحوار وبناء تقارب في الآراء على كل هذه المستويات. ويظل هذا هو هدفنا الأساسي حتى نتمكن أخيرًا من إنهاء سوء الفهم المستمر منذ عدة قرون والذي أدخل مجتمعنا في دائرة من الصراع أعاق تقدمه. نأمل أن يخلق هذا الحوار الوطني بيئة مواتية لبناء سلام دائم على أساس التفاهم المتبادل. أود أيضًا أن أذكر أن أولئك الذين وصفهم البرلمان بأنهم إرهابيون لن يشاركوا في هذه العملية نظرًا لقضيتهم التي تتعارض ولا تتماشى مع هدف الحوار الشامل

السفير دينا: بصفتي دبلوماسيا ، لست مطلعاً على كل التفاصيل الفنية للمشروع ومع ذلك ، يمكنني أن أؤكد أننا أكملنا بنجاح اختبار التوربينات ونتوقع أن يبدأ سد النهضة في توليد الطاقة مبكرًا باستخدام توربينات محدودة. وهذا إنجاز عظيم للشعب الإثيوبي ، ويمكنني القول لجميع أصدقاء إثيوبيا أيضا.
ومنذ افتتاحه المشروع في أبريل 2011 ، أفصحت إثيوبيا عن أهدافها بشأن سد النهضة بشكل واضح: وترغب إثيوبيا في استخدام مواردها الطبيعية لتوليد وتوفير الطاقة الكهربائية لما يقرب من 70 في المائة من سكانها الذين يعيشون في الظلام دامس لعدم وصول خدمة الكهرباء لهم، وأود أن أشدد أن إثيوبيا ليس لديها أي نية في إلحاق الضرر بدول المصب ، وبالتحديد مصر والسودان. نظرًا لأن النيل نهرعابر للحدود ، فنحن نريد أن يكون هذا المشروع مصدرًا للتعاون وليس مصدرًا للاحتكاك أو الصراع المتبادل. وموقفنا هذا ليس فقط بشأن سد النهضة ولكن أيضًا يتوافق مع رؤيتنا الكبيرة و الشاملة للمنطقة
تم تصميم المشروع بحيث تكون عمليات البناء والتعبئة متسلسلة: كل خطوة تعتمد على الخطوة السابقة. وإن مراحل ملء الخزان ليست سوى خطوة في التسلسل المنطقي لعملية البناء. ويبدو أن غير الخبراء في هذا المجال ، في تحليلهم السطحي ، يقدمون هاتين الخطوتين كعمليتين منفصلتين ، لا سيما في سياق عملية الملء. وفي هذا الصدد ، لا توجد اتفاقيات ذات طبيعة ضمنية بين الأطراف تمنع استمرار بناء سد النهضة.
وفيما يتعلق بالمفاوضات التي يقودها الاتحاد الأفريقي ، تظل إثيوبيا ملتزمة تمامًا بالمحادثات الثلاثية مع السودان ومصر. وعلى حد علمي ، فإن المفاوضات التي كانت جارية متوقفة مؤقتًا لسببين: أولاً ، بسبب نقل رئاسة الاتحاد الأفريقي من فخامة الرئيس. فيليكس – أنطوان تشيسكيدي من جمهورية الكونغو الديمقراطية إلى الرئيس ماكي سال رئيس السنغال. ونأمل أن تحافظ محادثات سد النهضة برئاسة الرئيس الجديد على التقدم الجيد الذي تم إحرازه في عهد الرئيس السابق.
والسبب الثاني ، الاضطرابات الحالية المؤسفة في السودان كان لها دور للتوقف المؤقت لمفاوضات سد النهضة. وتأمل إثيوبيا في ان يعود الاستقرار وتعودة الأمور إلى طبيعتها في المنطقة ، ونعتزم بالتأكيد الاستمرار بمجرد استئناف المفاوضات حول المحادثات الأخيرة ، ولاحظنا أن شركائنا المفاوضين لم يعودوا يدخلون ويخرجون من المفاوضات كما يحلو لهم ، ونأمل أن يتفاوضوا بحسن نية حتى نتمكن من التوصل إلى اتفاق نهائي. هناك مشكلات فنية تمكنا بطريقة ما من التغلب عليها ، ولكن لا تزال هناك بعض المشكلات القانونية التي لا يزال يتعين علينا معالجتها. وأنا واثق من أنه يمكننا تضييق الفجوات بنفس الطريقة والتوصل إلى حل يربح فيه الجميع.

السفير دينا: إثيوبيا والسودان لديهما تاريخ مشترك طويل في التعاون المتبادل. وفي الآونة الأخيرة كلنا نذكر الدور المهم الذي قام به رئيس الوزراء الأثيوبي في المصالحة بين النخب السياسية السودانية وإنشاء مجلس السيادة في السودان من خلال جهوده الحميدة. وبالمثل ، عندما واجه الإثيوبيون صعوبات ، قوبلوا بترحيب حار من جيرانهم السودانيين. القيادة الحالية في السودان ، سواء كان ذلك بسبب عوامل خارجية أو ضغوطات الأحزاب ، اختارت التعدي على الأراضي السيادية الإثيوبية. وتواصل إثيوبيا الضغط من أجل حل سريع لهذه القضية بالذات من خلال الآليات الإقليمية القائمة ، مثل الهيئة الحكومية الدولية المعنية بالتنمية. وفيما يتعلق بالعلاقات بين الشعوب ، فإن شعوبنا لديها الكثير لتتعلمه وتستفيد منه من التعاون والعمل معًا. هذا هو السبب في أن علاقتنا الحالية مع السودان تحت الحكم العسكري لا ترقى إلى مستوى تاريخنا العريق و إمكاناتنا المستقبلية.

السفير دينا : نظرًا لكون أهدافنا مترابطة فمن الصعب تحديد هدف واحد للسياسة الخارجية كهدف خاص بها، لكن بشكل عام ، أود أن أقول إن هدفنا الأساسي في عام 2022 هو إعادة علاقاتنا مع المجتمع الدولي. سواء كانت علاقاتنا الثنائية والمتعددة الأطراف ومصالحنا في إقامة تحالفات طويلة الأجل ومشاريع تنموية على أساس مستمر. نظرًا للاحتياجات المتنوعة للبلاد ، ونخطط أيضاً للانخراط الكامل مع الشركاء الدوليين دون تحيز أو أحكام مسبقة.
وفي سياق الصراع الحالي ، ستواصل إثيوبيا تعريف المجتمع الدولي وشركائها على وجه الخصوص بالحقائق والتطورات الموجودة من جانب الحكومة.
وطبعا إعادة الإعمار هي أولوية لا تقل أهمية بالنسبة للوزارة حيث نراها ركيزة في جهودنا لإيصال السلام والاستقرار. ولهذه الغاية ، نطلب من حلفائنا وأصدقائنا دعم
جهودنا في إعادة البناء والإصلاح وإعادة الحياة الطبيعية التي تشتد الحاجة إليها.

تمت الترجمة بواسطة :- فهد العنسي

የኢትዮጵያ የውጭ ጉዳይ ሚኒስቴር ቃል አቀባይ እና የፐብሊክ ዲፕሎማሲ ዋና ዳይሬክተር አምባሳደር ዲና ሙፍቲ ከሆርን ሪቪው ጋር ኢትዮጵያ በቀጣናው ስላላት ዲፕሎማሲያዊ አቋም ሲወያዩ በታላቁ የሕዳሴ ግድብ ዙሪያ ስለሚደረገው የሦስትዮሽ ድርድርን በተመለከተ ደግሞ የኢትዮጵያን ወቅታዊ አቋም ዳግም አስምረውበታል። ቃል አቀባዩ ባለፉት ወራት በህወሓት ጥቃት ሰለባ ለሆኑት በአፋር እና በአማራ ክልል ለሚኖሩ ዜጎች  አፋጣኝና ውጤታማ የሆነ እርዳታ በመስጠት ረገድ  መንግስት የተጋረጠበትን አንዳንድ ተግዳሮቶች በተመለከተ ገለጻ ሰጥተዋል።

በሕወሃት በኩል ያገረሸው ትንኮሳና ጥቃት በንጹሃን ዜጎች ላይ ተፅዕኖ እያሳደረ እና ኑሯቸውን እያወከ ነው። መንግስት ለእርዳታ የሚሆን ገንዘብ ቢመድብም ጠላት ቡድኑ ለትግራይ ብቻ ሳይሆን በግጭት ለተጎዱት የአፋር እና የአማራ ክልል ዞኖችም እንዳይደርስ ማደናቀፉን ቀጥሏል። ለእነዚህ ክልሎች ከተመደበው ገንዘብና ሀብት በተጨማሪ ተደራሽነቱ እንዲረጋገጥ የተቻለንን ሁሉ እያደረግን ነው። ይህን ጉዳይ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ከሁሉም በላይ ቅድሚያ የሚሰጠው  ሲሆን የአለም አቀፉ ማህበረሰብም የሚያተኩርበትና የሚከታተለው ነው።

ኢትዮጵያዊያን እንደመሆናችን ህዝቡ ዕርዳታ ማግኘት አለበት ብለን እናምናለን፡፡ በዋነኛነት የሚያሳስበን የህዝባችን ህልውናና ደህንነት ነው። እንደ አለመታደል ሆኖ ይህ ቡድን ጥረታችንን እያደናቀፈ እና እያገደ ነው። የዕርዳታው መድረስ የሚረጋገጠው በግጭት ወደተጎዱ አካባቢዎች መሄድ ሲቻል ብቻ ነው። በተጨባጭ የሚታዩትን እውነታዎች በሙሉ ከግምት ውስጥ በማስገባት ሀቁን ግን መካድ የለብንም፡፡ አካፋን አካፋ ማለት ያስፈልጋል ማለት ነው፡፡ ይሄ ሀቅ በደንብ መታወቅ ብቻ ሳይሆን በጥብቅ መወገዝም  ያለበት ነው።

እንደ የዓለም የምግብ ፕሮግራም/ WFP ካሉ አለም አቀፍ አጋሮች ጋር እየሠራን ነው። ነገር ግን የአማራና የአፋር ክልሎች በሕወሃት ወረራ ክፉኛ የተጠቁ በመሆናቸው አጋሮቻችን እና ሌሎች ባለድርሻ አካላት በነዚህ ክልሎች በሚገኙ መዳረሻዎች ላይ የሚደረገውን የዕርዳታ አቅርቦት የበለጠ ትኩረት እንዲያደርጉ እንጠይቃለን። ምንም እንኳን በዕርዳታ መገኘትና እና በአቅርቦት ላይ አንዳንድ ክፍተቶች ባይታጡም፣ በተጨባጭ ባለው አስቸኳይ ፍላጎት እና አሁን እየተደረጉ ባሉት ጥረቶች መካከል የጎላ ክፍተት ይታያል።

ይህ ሁሉን አቀፍ ብሄራዊ ውይይት በሁሉም የህብረተሰብ ክፍሎች ውስጥ እንዲካሄድ ተስፋ እናደርጋለን። አንዳንድ አንኳር ልዩነቶቻችንን ለመፍታት ያለመ፣ በጥቂት የተመረጡ ልሂቃን የተባሉ ግለሰቦች መካከል በቻ የሚደረግ ውይይት ሳይሆን በዝቅተኛ ደረጃም ያሉትን የሕብረተሰብ ክፍሎችም የሚያሳትፍ ይሆናል። በህብረተሰባችን ውስጥ ብዙ የታመቁ ቅሬታዎች እንዳሉ ግልጽ ሲሆን፣ መፍትሄ ካልተበጀላቸው ሁከትና ብጥብጥ ማስነሳታቸው አይቀርም። የኢትዮጵያ በቅርብ ጊዜ፣ የተነሱ እና ከብዙ ጊዜ በፊት ተነስተው ሲንከባለሉ የቆዩ ማህበራዊ፣ ፖለቲካዊ፣ ባህላዊ እና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ችግሮች በሙሉ ጥልቅ ውይይት ተደርጎባቸው ወደ አንድ ስምምነት መድረስ አለብን።

የእኛ ዋና አላማ ህብረተሰባችንን በግጭት አዙሪት ውስጥ ከትቶ እና የወደፊት ግስጋሴውን አደናቅፎ የረዥም ጊዜ፣ አንዳንዴም ክፍለ ዘመናትን ያስቆጠሩ አለመግባባቶችን ማስወገድ ነው። ይህ አገራዊ ውይይት በጋራ መግባባት ላይ ዘላቂ ሰላም ለመገንባት ምቹ ሁኔታን ይፈጥራል ብለን ተስፋ እናደርጋለን። በሕዝብ ተወካዮች ምክር ቤት በአሸባሪነት የተፈረጁት እንዲህ ካለው ሁሉን አሳታፊ ውይይት ግብ ጋር የማይጣጣም ተቃራኒ ዓላማ ስላላቸው በዚህ ውይይት ውስጥ  እንደማይሳተፉ ደግሜ ላረጋግጥ  እወዳለሁ።

ዲፕሎማት እንደመሆኔ የፕሮጀክቱን ቴክኒካል ዝርዝሮች በሙሉ በውል አላውቅም። ነገር ግን የተርባይኖቹን ሙከራ በተሳካ ሁኔታ ማጠናቀቁን አረጋግጣለሁ እና ግድቡ በውስን ተርባይኖች  ሃይል ማመንጨት ይጀምራል። ይህ ለኢትዮጵያ ህዝብ እና ለሁሉም የኢትዮጵያ ወዳጆች ትልቅ ስኬት ነው።

እ.ኤ.አ. ሚያዝያ 2011 የህዳሴው ግድብ ሲጀመር ኢትዮጵያ ምን አላማ እንዳላት ግልፅ አድርጋለች፡ ኢትዮጵያ የተፈጥሮ ሀብቷን ተጠቅማ መሰረታዊ የመብራት ተጠቃሚነትን ያጣች እና በጨለማ ውስጥ ለሚኖረው 70 በመቶ ለሚጠጋው ህዝቧ ሃይል ለማቅረብ ትፈልጋለች፡፡ እኔ ደግሜ መናገር የምፈልገው ኢትዮጵያ የታችኞቹን ተፋሰሶች ማለትም ግብፅና ሱዳንን ለመጉዳት ምንም አላማ እንደሌላት ነው። አባይ ድንበር ተሻጋሪ ሀብት ስለሆነ እኛ የምንፈልገው ይህ ፕሮጀክት የትብብር ምንጭ እንዲሆን እንጂ የግጭት ወይም የንትርክ ምንጭ ሊሆን አይገባም። ይህ ደግሞ በህዳሴው ላይ ካለን አቋም ጋር ብቻ ሳይሆን ለላቀ ቀጠናዊ ቅርርብ እና ትስስር ካለን ራዕይ ጋር የሚጣጣም ነው።

የግንባታው ሂደት የግንባታ እና የዉሀ ሙሌት ሂደቶች በቅደም ተከተል የተነደፉ ናቸው-እያንዳንዱ እርምጃ በቀድሞው ላይ የተመሰረተ ነው፡፡ የውኃ ማጠራቀሚያ መሙላት ደረጃዎች በግንባታው ሂደት አመንክኖአዊ ቅደም ተከተል ውስጥ አንድ ደረጃ ብቻ ነው፡፡ ኤክስፐርት ወይም ባለሙያ ያልሆኑ ሰዎች የላይ ላይ  ትንተናቸው እነዚህን ሁለት ደረጃዎች እንደ ተለያዩ ሂደቶች የሚያቀርቡ አሉ፡፡ በተለይም ከውሀ ሙሌቱ  ሂደት አንጻር በዚህ ረገድ የህዳሴ ግድቡ እንዳይቀጥል ከሚከለክሉ ወገኖች ጋራ ምንም ዓይነት ግልጽም ሆነ የተሰወረ ስምምነት የለም፡፡  – በአፍሪካ ኅብረት የሚመራውን ድርድር በተመለከተ፣ ኢትዮጵያ ከሱዳንና ከግብፅ ጋር ለሚደረገው የሶስትዮሽ ውይይት ሙሉ በሙሉ ቁርጠኝነቷን አሳይታለች፡፡ እኔ እንደማውቀው፣ እየተካሄደ ያለው ሂደት በሁለት ምክንያቶች ለጊዜው ተቋርጧል፡አንደኛ፡ የአፍሪካ ህብረት ሊቀመንበርነትን ከዴሞክራቲክ ኮንጎው ፕሬዝዳንት ክቡር ኤች.ኢ. ፊሊክስ – አንትዋን ቲሺሴኬዲ ወደ ሴኔጋል ፕሬዝዳንት ማኪ ሳል ስለተዛወረ። የህዳሴው ውይይት በአዲሱ ሊቀ መንበር ስር በቀድሞው ሊቀመንበር ዘመን የተመዘገቡትን መልካም ውጤቶች እንደሚያጎለብት ተስፋ እናደርጋለን። በሁለተኛ ደረጃ፣ በአሁኑ ወቅት በሱዳን እየታየ ያለው አለመረጋጋት ለህዳሴው ድርድሩ ጊዜያዊ መቋረጡ ሌላው ምክንያት ነው።

ኢትዮጵያ በቀጣናው ፈጣን መረጋጋት እና መደበኛ ሕይወት እንደሚቀጥል ተስፋ አላት፤ እንዲሁም አንዴ ሂደቱ ከቀጠለ በእርግጠኝነት ኢትዮጵያ ወደፊት ለመሄድ ታስባለች። በቅርቡ በተደረጉ ውይይቶች፡ ተደራዳሪ አጋሮቻችን እንደፈለጉ ወጣ ገባ እንደማይሉ ተመልክተናል፣ አንድ የተሟላና ሁሉንም የሚያግባባ ሰነድ ላይ እስክንደርስ ድረስ በቅን ልቦና እንደሚደራደሩ ተስፋ እናደርጋለን። እንደምንም ብለን ልንቋቋማቸው የቻልናቸው ቴክኒካል ጉዳዮች አሉ፣ ነገር ግን እስካሁን ልንፈታ ያልናቸው አንዳንድ የህግ ጉዳዮች አሉ። በተመሳሳይ መልኩ ክፍተቶቹን ማጥበብ እና ሁሉንም አሸናፊ የሚያደርግ መፍትሄ እንደምናገኝ እተማመናለሁ።

ኢትዮጵያ እና ሱዳን የረጅም ጊዜ የጋራ መደጋገፍ ታሪክ አላቸው።

በቅርቡ፣ የኛ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር በፖለቲካ ልሂቃን እርቅ እና የሱዳን ሉዓላዊ ምክር ቤት ምስረታ ላይ በጥረታቸው ያሳኩትን እናስታውሳለን፡፡ በተመሳሳይ ኢትዮጵያውያን ችግር ሲገጥማቸው ከሱዳን ጎረቤቶቻቸው ልባዊ አቀባበል ተደርጎላቸዋል። ይህ የሱዳን አመራር በውጫዊ ሁኔታዎችም ሆነ በተጽእኖ አምጪ አካላት ምክንያት የኢትዮጵያን ሉዓላዊ መሬት የደፈረበት ሁኔታ ተፈጥሯል፡፡  ለዚህ ጉዳይ ኢትዮጵያ አፋጣኝ እልባት ለመስጠት በነባር ቀጠናዊ ዘዴዎች ማለትም በኢጋድ አማካኝነት ትቀጥላለች።

የህዝብ ለህዝብ ግንኙነትን በሚመለከት ህዝቦቻችን በጋራ በመሥራት ብዙ መማርና ተጠቃሚ መሆን አለባቸው። ለዚህም ነው በአሁኑ ወታደራዊ ገዥዎች የተፈጠረው ከሱዳን ጋር ያለን ግንኙነት ያለፈ ታሪካችንን ያላገናዘበ እና ወደፊት ልናጎለብተው የምንችለውን አቅም አይመጥንም የምንለው፡፡

ብዙዎቹ ግቦቻችን እርስ በርስ የተያያዙ በመሆናቸው አንድን የውጭ ፖሊሲ ዓላማ፣ ለይቶ እንደ አንድ ግብ መነጠል አስቸጋሪ ነው። በአጠቃላይ ለመናገር፣ በ2022 ቀዳሚ ግባችን ከዓለም አቀፉ ማህበረሰብ ጋራ በቅርበት መሥራት ነው። የአለም አቀፉ ማህበረሰብ ጋራ በቅርበት መሥራት  የሁለትዮሽ እና የባለብዙ ወገን ተሳትፎ እና የረጅም ጊዜ አጋርነቶችን እና የልማት ፕሮጀክቶችን ቀጣይነት ባለው መልኩ ለመፍጠር ያለንን ፍላጎት ያመላክታል። የሀገሪቱን የተለያዩ ፍላጎቶች ከግምት ውስጥ በማስገባት ልባችንን ከፍተን ከጥርጣሬና ፍረጃ ጸድተን ከአለም አቀፍ አጋሮች ጋር በሙሉ ልብ ለመሥራት አቅደናል።

አሁን ካለው የግጭት ሁኔታ አንፃር የኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ለዓለም አቀፉ ማህበረሰብ በተለይም ለአጋሮቻችን መሬት ላይ ያሉትን እውነታዎች እና ቀጣይ ለውጦችን ማሳወቅ ትቀጥላለች። ሰላምና መረጋጋትን ለማምጣት በምናደርገው ጥረት እንዱ ምሰሶ መልሶ ግንባታ ነው፡፡ ስለዚህም ቅድሚያ የሚሰጠው ጉዳይ ነው። ለዚህም አጋሮቻችን እና ወዳጆቻችን መልሶ በመገንባት፣ በማስተካከል እና በጣም አስፈላጊ የሆነውን መደበኛ እና ሰላማዊ ሁኔታን ለማምጣት በምናደርገው ጥረት እንዲረዱን እንጠይቃለን።

ትርጉም በ ፍፁም ጌታቸው

Ambassador Dina Mufti, Spokesperson and Director General for Public Diplomacy at the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, sat down with Horn Review to discuss Ethiopia’s diplomatic standing in the region and reiterated Ethiopia’s current position regarding the tripartite GERD negotiations. The spokesperson also provided insight into some of the government’s challenges in effectively providing relief to Afar and Amhara victims of TPLF aggression in recent months.

Ambassador Dina:

The renewed provocation on the part of the TPLF continues to impact innocent civilians and disrupt their livelihoods. Though the government has allocated funds for relief efforts, the hostile group continues to impede the delivery of relief not only to Tigray but also to the conflict-affected zones in Afar and Amhara regions. In addition to funds and resources allocated to these regions, we are doing our level best to create unimpeded access. This is a priority for the Ethiopian government and remains the interest of the international community.

As Ethiopians, we believe that the people should be helped, and we are primarily concerned with their welfare and security. Unfortunately, this group has been impeding, if not halting, our efforts. This fact should not only be widely acknowledged but thoroughly condemned, as delivery of assistance is contingent upon access to conflict-affected areas. This is the current reality, and we need to consider these facts and call a spade a spade.

We are indeed working with international partners, like the WFP. However, as Amhara and Afar regions are most severely affected by TPLFs aggression, we call on our partners and stakeholders to place heavier emphasis on efforts to relief destinations in these regions. Though some gaps in aid and delivery are expected, there remains a visible gap between the urgent need on the ground and existing efforts in meeting them.

Ambassador Dina:

We hope for this all-inclusive national dialogue to take place at every gamut of society. Aimed at addressing some of our core differences, it is not exclusively a dialogue among elites, but also one that takes place at the grassroots level. It is clear that there are many latent grievances in our society that, if left unaddressed, will continue to manifest in violence. Ethiopia’s recent, and long-enduring, societal, political, cultural, and economic cleavages all require dialogue and consensus-building on each of these levels. This remains our very objective so as to finally lay to rest long-running, some centuries-old, misunderstandings that have lodged our society in a cycle of conflict and delayed its progress. We hope this national dialogue creates a conducive environment to build a lasting peace on the foundation of mutual understanding. I would also like to iterate those designated as terrorists by parliament will not be participating in this process given their antithetical cause which does not align with the goal of an all-inclusive dialogue.

Aimed at addressing some of our
core differences, it is not exclusively
a dialogue among elites, but
also one that takes place at the
grassroots level.

Ambassador Dina:

As a diplomat, I am not privy to all the technical details of the project. However, I can confirm that we have successfully completed testing of the turbines and we anticipate the GERD to start early power generation with limited turbines. This is quite an achievement for the Ethiopian people, and I may add, for all friends of Ethiopia.

The building process is designed such that the construction and filling processes are sequential: each step being contingent upon the previous one. The reservoir filling stages are only a step in the logical sequence of the construction process. Non-experts, in their surface-level analysis, seem to present these two steps as separate processes, especially in the context of the filing process. In this regard, there are no agreements – even of a tacit nature – between the parties that would prevent the continuation of this project.

Since its inauguration in April 2011, Ethiopia has made its intention for the GERD very clear: Ethiopia wishes to use its natural resource to generate and provide power for the nearly 70 percent of its population that is living in darkness, and without basic access to electricity. I would like to reiterate that Ethiopia has no intention, nor does it intend to, harm downstream riparians, namely Egypt and Sudan. Since the Nile is a transboundary resource, we want this project to be a source of cooperation- not a source of friction or conflict. This is consistent not only with our position on the GERD but also with our vision for greater regional integration.

As it pertains to the AU-led negotiations, Ethiopia remains fully committed to the tripartite talks with Sudan and Egypt. To my knowledge, the process that was underway is temporarily on pause for two reasons: first, due to the transfer of the African Union Chairmanship from H.E. Felix- Antoine Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of Congo to President Macky Sall of Senegal. We hope that the GERD talks, under the new chairman, will build upon the good progress made under the previous chairman. Secondly, the current unfortunate unrest in Sudan is yet another reason for the temporary pause of the GERD negotiations.

Ethiopia hopes for swift stability and normalization in the region and we certainly intend to continue once the process resumes. In recent talks, we have noted that our negotiating partners no longer go in and out of the process at will, and it is our hope that they will negotiate in good faith until we can arrive at a finalized document. There are technical issues that we somehow managed to overcome, but there remain some legal issues that we are yet to tackle. I am confident that we can narrow the gaps, in this same fashion- and reach a win-win solution.

Ambassador Dina: Ethiopia and Sudan share a long history of mutual support.

Most recently, you will remember the Prime Minister‘s significant role in the reconciliation of the political elite and the establishment of Sudan’s Sovereign Council through the provision of his good offices. Similarly, when Ethiopians were faced with hardships, they were met with a warm welcome from their Sudanese neighbors. The Sudanese leadership, be it due to extraneous factors or imposing parties, has opted to encroach on sovereign land. Ethiopia continues to push for a speedy resolution to this particular issue through existing regional mechanisms, i.e. IGAD.

In what concerns people-to-people relations, our peoples have a lot to learn and benefit from working together. This is why Sudan’s current turmoil and our strained relations, primarily caused by the country’s military rulers, do not measure up to our past history and future potential.

Ambassador Dina: Since many of our goals are interlinked, it is difficult to identify a single foreign policy objective, as a goal of its own. In broad strokes, I would have to say that our primary goal in 2022 is the re-engagement of the international community. Reengaging the international community pertains to our bilateral and multilateral commitments and our interests in creating long-term partnerships and development projects on a continual basis. Given the varied needs of the country, we plan to fully engage with international partners without bias or prejudice.

The reservoir filling stages are only a step in the logical sequence of the construction process.

Reconstruction is an equally important priority for the Ministry as we see it as a pillar in our efforts to usher in peace and stability. To this end, we ask our allies and friends to support our efforts in reconstructing, mending, and bringing in much-needed normalcy. In the context of the current conflict, Ethiopia will continue to familiarize the international community, our partners in particular, with the facts on the ground, as well as subsequent developments on the part of the government.