The 1954 address by Emperor Haile Selassie to the United States Congress stands as defining diplomatic milestone in African diplomatic history. It marked Ethiopia as a significant partner whose leader was invited to speak before the US legislative body at that time. This speech, delivered at the height of the Cold War, not only demonstrated Ethiopia’s unique status as an independent African state but also laid the groundwork for a multifaceted partnership with the United States. The themes articulated by Haile Selassie such as sovereignty, security, development, and international cooperation continue to echo through the decades, shaping Ethiopia–US relations amid evolving regional and global dynamics.

Haile Selassie’s address invoked Ethiopia’s ancient sovereignty, its resistance to colonialism, and its commitment to collective security, referencing Ethiopia’s role as a founding member of the United Nations and its support for the principle of peace. The Emperor appealed for American partnership by emphasizing Ethiopia’s strategic location and its willingness to contribute to global stability. This framing set the tone for a relationship that would oscillate between close alliance and pragmatic distance, shaped by the imperatives of the Cold War, the rise of new security threats, and the shifting sands of regional politics.

During the Cold War, Ethiopia’s alignment with the United States was driven by mutual interests in containing Soviet influence and ensuring regional stability. The US saw Ethiopia as a bulwark against communism in the Horn of Africa, providing military and economic assistance in exchange for access to strategic facilities such as the Kagnew Station in Asmara. Haile Selassie’s diplomatic acumen was evident in his ability to leverage Ethiopia’s geostrategic position, securing aid and support while maintaining a degree of autonomy in foreign policy. Ethiopia’s strong relationship with the West, rooted in ideological and civilizational alignment, underpinned Addis Ababa’s comfortable integration into Western security structures and helps explain the early and sustained American willingness to invest in the partnership.

The end of the imperial era and the rise of the Derg in 1974 marked a dramatic shift. Ethiopia’s turn towards the Soviet Union in the late 1970s and during the Ogaden War reflected the fluidity of alliances in the region. Yet, the underlying logic of Ethiopia’s strategic importance persisted, and the US continued to monitor developments closely, recognizing that the Horn of Africa remained a critical region in the broader contest for influence.

The post-Cold War period saw a recalibration of US–Ethiopia relations, with new priorities emerging around democratization, economic reform, and, increasingly, security cooperation. The rise of transnational threats, particularly terrorism, brought Ethiopia back to the center of US strategic calculations. The 1998–2000 Eritrea–Ethiopia war and the subsequent instability in Somalia demonstrated the fragility of regional order and the potential for spillover effects that could threaten US interests.

The September 11, 2001 attacks marked a watershed moment, fundamentally altering the US approach to the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia, with its experienced military, intelligence capabilities, and willingness to confront radical Islamist militancy, became a key partner in the US-led Global War on Terror. The partnership was formalized through bilateral and multilateral frameworks, with the US providing financial, logistical, and technical support to bolster Ethiopia’s capacity to counter groups such as al-Shabaab.

Ethiopia’s 2006 intervention in Somalia, undertaken with US backing, exemplified the convergence of interests. The operation aimed to oust the Islamic Courts Union and prevent the establishment of a radical Islamist regime on Ethiopia’s doorstep. The US continued to rely on Ethiopia as a regional anchor.

Throughout the Clinton and Bush administrations, Ethiopia’s role as a counterterrorism partner was central to US strategy in both Africa and the Middle East. The Clinton administration’s focus on “African solutions to African problems” dovetailed with Ethiopia’s aspirations for regional leadership, while the Bush administration’s emphasis on preemptive action and coalition-building found a willing ally in Addis Ababa. The US provided significant security assistance, including training, equipment, and intelligence sharing, while also supporting Ethiopia’s participation in peacekeeping missions and regional security forums.

The Obama administration sought to balance security cooperation with greater attention to governance and human rights, reflecting a broader recalibration of US Africa policy. The Trump administration, by contrast, adopted a more transactional approach, emphasizing burden-sharing and expressing frustration with what it perceived as insufficient progress on reform and burden-sharing by regional partners. Nevertheless, the US maintained its security relationship with Ethiopia, recognizing that the alternatives of greater instability or increased influence by rival powers were less palatable. The Trump administration significantly stepped up strikes inside Somalia, prioritizing air campaigns and kinetic options while leaning on host-nation and partner facilities for basing and logistics. Moreover, Tehran’s engagement with Eritrea represents another driver of renewed U.S. interest in Horn affairs.

The current geopolitical landscape is shaped by the intensification of great power competition, the emergence of new regional actors, and the growing complexity of security threats. The Red Sea has reemerged as a critical arena, with the intersection of maritime trade, energy flows, and military competition drawing in a diverse array of external powers. Ethiopia’s landlocked status since the secession of Eritrea in 1993 has heightened its interest in Red Sea access, making the geopolitics of ports, naval bases, and alliances a central concern.

The Emperor’s earlier assertion about geography and access in that Ethiopia’s strategic fortunes are tied to its position “along the shores of the Red Sea” and to its role as “the filter through which the ideas and influences of the Continent of Africa should pass to the East and vice versa” resonates now in concrete terms.

The Gulf States, particularly Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have become increasingly active in the Horn of Africa. Their competition with Iran, as well as their desire to secure food supplies and project power across the Red Sea, has made Ethiopia an attractive partner. China’s growing presence, manifested through investment and infrastructure development now constitutes another strategic partnership.

Ethiopia’s strategy in this environment is characterized by pragmatism and hedging. While the US remains a critical partner, particularly in the security domain, Ethiopia has sought to diversify its relationships, leveraging its geostrategic position to attract investment and support from a range of actors.

The question of whether the issues that animated Haile Selassie’s 1954 address—sovereignty, security, partnership remain relevant today is answered in the affirmative, albeit in a more complex and evolved environment. The US continues to see Ethiopia as a key partner in the Horn of Africa, but the relationship is increasingly shaped by competition with other powers, the evolution of security threats, and the internal dynamics of both countries.

The US interest in the region, as articulated through successive administrations, is shaped by a combination of security imperatives, economic interests, and normative commitments. The fight against terrorism, the protection of maritime routes, and the promotion of stability are central. The convergence of interests, the rise of an evolved form of multilateralism, and shifting regional dynamics should revive the relationship the United States once maintained with Ethiopia, and this renewed partnership have to endure today in an evolved form.

The legacy of Haile Selassie’s address endures in the principles and aspirations that continue to animate Ethiopia’s foreign policy. The emphasis on sovereignty, partnership, and collective security remains relevant, even as the context has changed. The enduring lesson of Haile Selassie’s address is the importance of agency, partnership, and adaptability. Ethiopia’s history as an independent state, its willingness to engage with external powers, and its capacity to adapt to changing circumstances have been central to its resilience and its influence.

The world Haile Selassie addressed has not returned unchanged but has evolved. Cold War binaries have given way to multipolar competition. China, the Gulf monarchies, Turkey, Russia, Iran and a resurgent set of Western policies all press on the Horn through infrastructure finance, military logistics, mercantile deals, and influence operations. Maritime insecurity, proxy activity and naval logistics now sit beside the old repertoire of diplomacy and military aid. What looks familiar is the strategic calculus. Capitals still value Ethiopia for geography and influence. What is new is the diversity of instruments and the speed at which economic leverage can translate into strategic access. Ethiopia’s response also matters in determining how effectively it leverages on these diversified partnerships.

By Yonas Yizezew, Researcher, Horn Review