
13
Mar
Ethiopia’s Interest in the Arab League and Regional Diplomacy
The Arab League, formally known as the League of Arab States, was established on March 22, 1945, in Cairo, Egypt, with the objective of strengthening political, cultural, economic, and social cooperation among its member states. Its primary mission is to promote Arab unity, safeguard sovereignty, and advance collective interests on the global stage. The League currently comprises 22 Arab states across North Africa, the Horn of Africa, and the Middle East, and functions through a multi-tiered structure, including the Secretary-General, the Council of the League, and various specialized ministerial councils focused on economic, defense, social, and other strategic areas.
Despite its stated principles of neutrality and cooperation, the Arab League has often been used as a platform by some member states, particularly Egypt, to advance national interests against Ethiopia. The League has consistently supported Egypt’s stance on Nile water disputes, aligning itself with colonial-era treaties that favor Egypt while disregarding Ethiopia’s legitimate claims. Somalia has also leveraged the League to oppose Ethiopian actions in the Horn of Africa, further reinforcing a regional narrative that isolates Ethiopia. This pattern of partisanship has created an imbalanced diplomatic environment, undermining the League’s credibility as an impartial mediator and exacerbating tensions rather than fostering constructive dialogue.
Ethiopia’s potential involvement in the Arab League is driven by both economic and security considerations. Historically, Ethiopia has maintained deep-rooted connections with many Arab states, particularly in trade, investment, and migration. The Gulf nations—Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Kuwait—are among Ethiopia’s most significant trade partners and investors, with substantial contributions to Ethiopia’s agriculture, infrastructure, and energy sectors. Ethiopia, in turn, relies heavily on oil imports from these countries. Additionally, a large number of Ethiopian migrant workers reside in Arab League states, sending remittances that sustain families and contribute to Ethiopia’s economy. However, many of these workers, particularly women in domestic labor, face human rights challenges, necessitating diplomatic cooperation to address labor protections and legal safeguards.
Security considerations, particularly in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, are another key factor driving Ethiopia’s interest in the Arab League. This region has become a focal point of geopolitical competition, with major global and regional powers militarizing strategic waterways. Ethiopia, despite being one of the most populous nations in Africa and directly affected by developments in the Red Sea, has been largely excluded from security discussions in the region. Joining the Arab League, even as an observer state, would provide Ethiopia with a critical platform to engage in regional maritime security dialogues, assert its strategic interests, and participate in discussions that shape Red Sea geopolitics.
Ethiopia’s historical legacy as an ancient civilization predating the modern Arab states reinforces its case for greater regional involvement. Its inclusion in the Arab League could serve to balance existing narratives, ensuring that critical regional discussions reflect a broader spectrum of perspectives rather than being dominated by a few influential actors. Moreover, given that the League has already granted observer status to countries such as Eritrea, Brazil, Venezuela, India, Armenia, Chad, and Greece, Ethiopia’s request for involvement should be given serious consideration.
Engagement with the Arab League would allow Ethiopia to challenge exclusionary policies that have marginalized it for decades while fostering diplomatic, economic, and security cooperation with member states. Whether through full membership, observer status, or strategic partnerships, Ethiopia’s participation in the League would promote regional stability and offer a more balanced approach to key geopolitical issues in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.
By Yabsira Yohannis,Researcher, Horn Review